The Prof G Pod with Scott Galloway
00:05:28 · Scott Galloway, George Hahn
They're less socially minded or less concerned, I should say, over geopolitics or social issues. They wanna know who's gonna give them the prosperity that their parents had. [00:05:40] S1: Republicans also lost ground with rural voters, the heart of their base. And in Florida and North Carolina, Democrats won in the same districts Republicans had redrawn to keep them out. Later in the livestream, Jessica Tarlov made sure to call out the irony of cheating and still losing.
00:06:01 · Jessica Tarlov
[00:06:01] S2: The rural vote was one of the most interesting facets of this race that was a particularly big deal in South Carolina. And once those numbers started trickling in, folks knew that it was going to be a a very bad night. Those are core Donald Trump voters. And J. D. Vance has posted this long, long tweet about what happened and saying, you know, it was the war in Iran, and even the president says this. He did some Israel blaming. It's very interesting to see, you know, those voices kind of converging. But he talked about traditional Republican voters leaving the cohort and what a shot across the bow this is for Republicans. And by no means does last night's results indicate to me that this coalition is now enduring on the Democratic side. I mean, there are, you know, people who definitely showed up to vote yesterday who may have no interest whatsoever in the Democratic ticket come 2028 if there are normal people on the Republican side of it. But the collapse of the rural vote was a huge storyline that every gerrymander ended up being a dummy mander. Those Florida numbers as they came in for Kathy Castor, for Jared Moskowitz, looking at North Carolina, didn't pick up one seat out of that. Like, they cheated so badly. How embarrassing to be that low and that corrupt and not even be able to pull it off.
00:07:25 · George Hahn
[00:07:25] S1: Some Republicans have been walking away from the party for a while. David Brooks spent most of his life as a conservative, and he doesn't recognize what the movement has become. On Thursday, we reaired his conversation with Scott where he traced the split back to his own early days on the right.
00:07:45 · David Brooks
[00:07:45] S3: Yeah. I I became a conservative in my twenties after being a police reporter in Chicago, and the two heroes for me were Edmund Burke, who was an Irish conservative statesman and philosopher, who believed that in epistemological modesty, the idea is the world is really complicated. And when we do change, we should do it constantly, but incrementally. And my other hero was Alexander Hamilton, who was a Puerto Rican hip hop artist from Upper Manhattan. Now... And so Alexander Hamilton believed that progressives believe in government to enhance equality, and libertarians believe in limited government to enhance freedom. Hamiltonianism believes in limited but energetic government to enhance social mobility. And so those are the two north stars for me. And, of course, over the course of the Trump administration, I've come to believe that whatever conservatism is, it's not what Trump is producing. He's producing reactionary politics, something completely different. And so I went back to those books that I used to read from Edinburgh and people like Isaiah Berlin and a guy named Michael Oakeshott, and I loved them all over again. I think the essential conservative truths are still very profound, but they are nothing like what is called conservatism today. There is nothing like Fox News. And I go back to one moment in my formation where now in retrospect, it looks like there's a crucial fork in the road. I came out of the University of Chicago, and I read Burke and Adam Smith and these books. And I worked in National Review, The Wall Street Journal editorial page, The Weekly Standard, and we believed in promulgating conservative ideas. At the same time I graduated from Chicago, there were a couple people graduating from Dartmouth who had worked at the Dartmouth Review. And people may recognize Laura Ingraham, Dinesh D'Souza, they were in this group. And I've come to see they were not pro conservative. They were anti left. They were in elite institutions, but they hated the progressive lean of those institutions. And so they were sort of the rebel bad boys. The defining feature of the Dartmouth Review was in 1986, some progressive students on Dartmouth's campus erected a a shantytown to protest apartheid. And in the middle of the night, the editors of Dartmouth Review, about a dozen of them, descended on the shantytown and took sledgehammers to them.
00:10:02 · David Brooks, George Hahn
And it was attempt to dismantle the left, really. And to me, it was like gestapo tactics. I was shocked and appalled because apartheid really is worth protesting. But I've come to see that difference between being pro conservative, which I would say John McCain was, Mitt Romney was, George W Bush was, and anti left, which is what Laura Loomer is, which is what Pete Hegseth is, what is what Vivek Ramaswamy is. That to me is a crucial difference. [00:10:28] S1: Our allies have been watching all of this too. On Tuesday's special conversations episode, Fareed Zakaria told Scott how countries like Canada and India are rethinking their relationship with The US and why that won't change overnight.
00:10:45 · Fareed Zakaria
[00:10:45] S4: But it gets to a central question, which is, are other nations so burned by the two Trump elections? One could be a fluke, but two, makes them think, look. Do we need to buy insurance? Okay. You guys come in. Some some nice Democrat comes in. He starts saying all the right things just as Joe Biden did. But what happens if ten years from now or even just six years from now, we get another Trump like character. We get JD Vance. We get Don Jr. We need some protection. We need some insurance. And we are gonna... So I see this, for example, with Canada. Canada made a fundamental decision decades ago on Brian Mulroney and George Bush senior to bind The US and Canadian economies together, to almost create a North American economy. And the car industry, for example, is currently a North American car industry. The parts move 15 times across borders to to make the most efficient North American cars. The Canadians are thinking if if that dependence on America has proved to be a vulnerability because America will use it to squeeze us, to punish us, to bully us. We've got to get some leverage back. And so he's making Mark Carney, the Prime Minister of Canada, making deals with the European Union, with China, with India. Now I think he's gonna keep doing that even if even if a Democrat is elected in '28. India was going to wean itself off its dependence on Russian arms. But then watching what... The way that Trump behaved towards India, but also the ways... Behave towards Ukraine. I'm sure the Indians... I know the Indians are thinking, well, you know, we'll wean ourselves off the Russians a bit, but maybe slower than we plan to. And we'll diversify. We'll buy... The the big order they placed this year was actually for French fighter planes, not American. And there had been a hope that India would essentially trade its dependence. 80% of Indian weaponry comes from comes from Russia. We trade that for America. And there there were many people in India advocating that. But the Trump administration's attitude has completely changed the way India... Indians at the elite level look at look at America. In general, Indians are still wildly pro American, but at the elite level, it's changed. So this gets to the to the the the question you're asking. I think we have set in place motion, you know, kind of series of motions that people are going to buy insurance.